Zionism and the Settler Colonial Framework in Palestine

Zionism and the Settler Colonial Framework in Palestine

The analysis of the Palestinian struggle through the lens of settler colonialism—a system where colonists seek to replace the indigenous population of a land with a new society of their own—emerged as a significant scholarly framework in the 1960s. This perspective gained momentum during the broader decolonization movements across Africa and the Middle East, eventually re-emerging in Israeli academia during the 1990s. Led by the "New Historians," these scholars began challenging foundational national myths and viewing the Nakba (the 1948 displacement of Palestinians) as an ongoing process rather than a single historical event.

This shift in academic thought has coincided with a political transition among some scholars and activists, moving away from the traditional two-state solution toward a one-state solution. Such a model proposes a single state where all citizens hold equal rights, a concept that fundamentally challenges the specific Jewish identity of the State of Israel.

Key Facts

  • Origins: The framework emerged in the 1960s and was revitalized in the 1990s by Israeli and Palestinian scholars.
  • Core Argument: Proponents argue that Zionism functioned as a settler-colonial movement aimed at establishing a home-base for the Jewish nation.
  • Key Scholars: Prominent figures include Edward Said, Rashid Khalidi, Noam Chomsky, and Ilan Pappé.
  • Distinctions: Early analysts like Fayez Sayegh argued that unlike European colonialism, Zionism sought nationhood rather than just economic exploitation.
  • Modern Application: The paradigm is used to link diverse practices—such as home demolitions, the Gaza siege, and land theft—under a single colonial logic.

The Evolution of Colonial Analysis (1960s–1980s)

One of the earliest formal analyses was provided by Palestinian writer Fayez Sayegh in 1965. Sayegh posited that Zionists formed a "settler-community" between 1882 and 1897 with the ultimate goal of creating a "settler-state." He argued that Zionism utilized colonization as an instrument for nation-building, imitating the methods of European powers to establish a sovereign home-base.

Sayegh identified three distinct characteristics that separated Zionist colonization from European ventures: first, it was driven by a desire for nationhood rather than economic gain; second, it was viewed as incompatible with the continued existence of the native population; and third, it lacked a protecting imperial metropole, leading to an alliance with British imperialism.

By 1967, French historian Maxime Rodinson expanded this view, suggesting that Europe as a whole served as the metropole for Israeli settler colonialism. Following the 1967 war, these analyses became increasingly prominent among Palestinian intellectuals.

Upon Israel's occupation of the Old City of Jerusalem in the 1967 Arab-Israeli War, Israeli bulldozers cleared [he] what had been the Mughrabi Quarter, creating the Western Wall Plaza.[43] Scholars have discussed such moves as examples of Israel's Judaization of Jerusalem and Israeli settler colonialism.[43][44]
Upon Israel's occupation of the Old City of Jerusalem in the 1967 Arab-Israeli War, Israeli bulldozers cleared [he] what had been the Mughrabi Quarter, creating the Western Wall Plaza.[43] Scholars have discussed such moves as examples of Israel's Judaization of Jerusalem and Israeli settler colonialism.[43][44]

The Rise of the New Historians

In the 1980s, the "colonization perspective" entered mainstream Israeli historical scholarship via the New Historians. This movement shifted the focus from purely Jewish history to the dynamics of Israeli-Palestinian relations. Scholars like Abdo and Yuval-Davis argued that the Zionist national project was predicated on the destruction of the Palestinian one, while Isma'il Raji al-Faruqi described the movement as a project to empty Palestine of its native inhabitants through force.

Contemporary Scholarly Perspectives (2000s–Present)

Modern scholars continue to refine the settler-colonial definition. Rashid Khalidi argues that Zionism is simultaneously a national movement and a settler-colonial project, asserting that one identity does not negate the other. Similarly, John Collins suggests that the architects of Zionism were conscious of their status as colonizers whose claims to the land superseded those of the Arab inhabitants.

A graph by Neve Gordon showing the population shift from 1947 to 1951 in Israel–Palestine, plotted with the % of land controlled by what he calls the "Jewish establishment"
A graph by Neve Gordon showing the population shift from 1947 to 1951 in Israel–Palestine, plotted with the % of land controlled by what he calls the "Jewish establishment"

Patrick Wolfe highlighted how this colonialism manifests in immigration policies, noting the promotion of unlimited Jewish immigration while denying family reunification for Palestinian citizens. Meanwhile, sociologist Uri Ram notes that the characterization of Zionism as colonial is likely as old as the movement itself.

Regional Variations and Biopolitics

Academics Neve Gordon and Moriel Ram have noted that the application of settler colonialism varies by territory. In the Golan Heights, the state imposed unitary Israeli law and offered citizenship to some Syrian Druze to facilitate annexation. In contrast, the West Bank is governed by a dual legal structure, with no intention of incorporating Palestinians into the Israeli demos.

Hebrew graffiti spray-painted on a home in a-Sawiyah, Nablus District by Zionist settlers in 2018 reads "Kill or deport."
Hebrew graffiti spray-painted on a home in a-Sawiyah, Nablus District by Zionist settlers in 2018 reads "Kill or deport."

More recently, sociologist Elia Zureik has applied Michel Foucault's theories of biopolitics—the administration of human life and populations—to argue that racism and surveillance are central tools of governance in the Zionist project.

Comparative Frameworks and Conclusions

Historian Nur Masalha draws parallels between the Palestinian experience and other indigenous peoples globally, citing the erasure of material culture and the reinvention of history by settlers. Some scholars, such as Rosaura Sánchez and Beatrice Pita, argue that the effects on Palestinians have been more severe than those experienced by Spanish and Mexican populations in the American Southwest following the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo.

While the settler-colonial framework is an empirical tool, it is frequently associated with the advocacy for a one-state solution. Sociologist Rachel Busbridge suggests this frame provides a more accurate portrayal of the conflict than narratives of "Palestinian criminality," though she notes limitations regarding the practical application of decolonization.

Scholar/Group Key Contribution/Perspective Core Argument
Fayez Sayegh Early Analysis (1965) Colonization as an instrument for nation-building.
New Historians Israeli Academic Shift (1980s-90s) Refuted foundational myths; viewed Nakba as ongoing.
Rashid Khalidi Dual-Nature Theory Zionism is both a national movement and settler colonialism.
Patrick Wolfe Policy Analysis Colonialism seen in immigration and population control.
Elia Zureik Biopolitical Approach Racism and surveillance as tools of colonial governance.

Frequently Asked Questions

What is the settler colonial framework?

It is an analytical lens that views the conflict not as a clash between two equal national movements, but as a process where a settler group seeks to replace the indigenous population of a territory to establish their own sovereign state.

How does Zionist colonialism differ from European colonialism?

According to Fayez Sayegh, European colonialism was primarily driven by economic exploitation or imperial expansion. In contrast, Zionist colonization was driven by the desire to achieve nationhood and establish a permanent home-base.

Who are the New Historians?

The New Historians are a group of Israeli scholars who emerged in the 1980s. They utilized previously classified archives to challenge traditional Israeli narratives and examine the colonial aspects of Zionist settlement.

What is the relationship between this framework and the one-state solution?

Because the settler-colonial paradigm views the state's foundation as an act of displacement, many proponents argue that the only just resolution is a single state with equal rights for all citizens, rather than dividing the land into two separate states.

How does the framework explain the difference between the West Bank and the Golan Heights?

Scholars argue that the "completeness" of ethnic cleansing differs; in the Golan Heights, the state used citizenship to facilitate annexation, whereas in the West Bank, a dual legal system maintains a separation between the settlers and the indigenous population.

References

  1. Sayegh 2012, pp. 208–209: "1) Other European settlers who had gone (or were then going) to other parts of Africa and Asia has been animated either by economic or by politico-imperialist motives: they had gone either in order to accumulate fortunes by means of privileged and protected exploitation of immense natural resources, or in order to prepare the ground for (or else aid and abet) the annexation of those coveted territories by imperial European governments. The Zionist colonists, on the other hand, were animated by neither impulse. They were driven to the colonisation of Palestine by the desire to attain nationhood for themselves, and to establish a Jewish state which would be independent of any existing government and subordinate to none, and which would in due course attract to its territories the Jews of the world.(2) Other European settlers could coexist with the indigenous populations – whom they would exploit and dominate, but whose services they would nevertheless require, and whose continued existence in the coveted territory they would therefore tolerate. But the Zionist settlers could not countenance indefinite coexistence with the inhabitants of Palestine. For Palestine was fully populated by Arabs, whose national consciousness has already been awakened, and who had already begun to nurse aspirations of independence and national fulfilment. Zionist colonisation could not possibly assume the physical proportions envisaged by Zionism while the Arab people of Palestine continued to inhabit its homeland; nor could the Zionist political aspirations of racial self-segregation and statehood be accomplished while the nationally-conscious Arab people of Palestine continued to exist in that country. Unlike European colonisation, therefore, the Zionist colonisation of Palestine was essentially incompatible with the continued existence of the ‘native population’ in the coveted country."
  2. Wolfe 2006.
  3. "Forum on Patrick Wolfe". Verso Books. Archived from the original on 21 June 2021. Retrieved 26 April 2022.
  4. "What is at Stake in the Study of Settler Colonialism?". Developing Economics. 26 October 2020. Archived from the original on 25 November 2021. Retrieved 26 April 2022.
  5. Busbridge 2018, p. 95.